When the European Union announced it was downgrading its relations with Thailand to show its opposition to the military coup in late May, the reaction from many Thais was swift and harsh. The social media were swamped with nationalistic opprobrium, with some calling for a tit-for-tat response and others going as far as to say Thailand should shrug off any diplomatic pressure as it could easily live in isolation. A noted academic even urged the military junta not to kowtow to the EU, which he said was itself already becoming irrelevant because of its persistent financial crisis.
If anything, this particular episode illustrates one thing: Despite years of engagement between Thailand and the EU, Thais in general still have little understanding of the partnership that exists between them.
For Thailand, it’s unfortunate that the sudden turn in relations has come at a time when the EU is making vigorous attempts to enhance its ties with Asia. There are several reasons why pursuing stronger engagement with Asia is high on the agenda of the Europeans.
In his recent speech, President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy said European and Asian economies are as interdependent as ever and that their interdependency goes beyond economic ties. While critics continue to call for a clearer and more coherent strategic direction in its engagement with Asia, there seems to be a general agreement among many analysts that much progress has been made since 2012, which EU policymakers described as a “pivotal” year. It saw an unprecedented series of high-level meetings and visits that culminated in the 9th Asia-Europe summit in Laos.
In recent briefings in Strasbourg and Brussels for Asian journalists, European officials emphasized that European engagement with Asia spans beyond traditional security and economic dimensions. Asean is now EU’s third-largest trading partner and the action plan the two groupings adopted in 2012 has paved the way for a more comprehensive cooperation that incorporates people-to-people dimensions to cover areas like food security, human rights, disaster prevention, energy security, human and drug trafficking and urbanization.
The EU has also engaged in a number of mediation activities in this region. It played an important role in the Aceh peace mediation process, which eventually led to the signing of the peace agreement between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement, ending years of bloodshed that had cost thousands of lives. The EU’s sanctions against Myanmar’s military government, though at times a source of conflict with Asean, are also credited for forcing its military leaders to embark on democratization.
And most Thais are apparently not aware that at the height of the political crisis triggered by the anti-Yingluck government street protests late last year, some EU member countries tried to initiate a dialogue between the conflicting parties, though the efforts in the end didn’t produce a breakthrough.
EU officials pointed out that these interactions between the EU and its Asian partners, while reflecting the comprehensive nature of Asian-European engagement and the EU’s recognition of Asean centrality, were mostly low profile and not always publicized. “We do a lot but we may not be good at doing publicity,” one official said, adding that the EU may need to improve its public diplomacy.
The U.S. “pivot” to Asia could be one of the reasons that prompted European policymakers to strengthen its presence in Asia-Pacific in recent years. Many Asian nations see the EU as a “balancing element” in the face of rising tensions stemming from territorial disputes between China and its neighbours. Without a military presence in this region and with no perceived geopolitical ambitions, the EU is seen as being in a position to play the role of an honest broker.
While admitting that there are limits to what the Europeans can do given China’s strong opposition to what it sees as outside interference, EU officials maintained that the EU seeks to have a comprehensive relationship with China, which is on its way to becoming its biggest trading partner. The EU shares the Asean’s desire to see China become a strong and responsible “soft power.”
European officials are looking forward to the Asia-Europe Meeting (Asem) in Milan, Italy this week as another display of the importance of the relationships of the two continents. The biannual forum will bring together 53 Asian and European leaders, including Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha, for a two-day summit. The theme of the event is “Responsible Partnership for Sustainable Growth and Security,” which EU Council chief van Rampuy said will emphasize the importance of cooperation and common interests.
The EU’s decision to appoint a special ambassador accredited to Asean just a few weeks before the Milan Asem is another sign of Europe’s growing engagement with Asean and its ambition to upgrade its existing partnership to a strategic one, EU officials said. The EU is already an active participant in the Asean Regional Forum and has been supporting Asean economic integration.
For Thailand, under the present political circumstances, this may not be the ideal time to make the best use of this partnership. But that doesn’t mean that all doors are closed. Though the EU has downgraded its partnership with Thailand and put all cooperation under review, its diplomats in Bangkok have emphasized that their engagement with the Prayut government will continue.
“We will continue to engage with Thailand. We are friends of Thailand and we want to see Thailand return to democracy so that we can resume our full partnership,” said one diplomat recently.
It’s understandable that many Thais were agitated by the EU’s strong stand against the military power seizure. They saw military intervention as a move necessary to get the country out of violent political deadlock. But they also need to understand that given the long history of the EU’s relationship with Thailand, its condemnation of the military intervention should not be seen as an act of hostility.
As EU diplomats and officials both in Bangkok and Brussels have pointed out, the European grouping places a high value on its relationship with Thailand and has no intention to isolate or penalize the country as many had feared. While high-level contacts have been suspended, working-level relations between Thailand and individual EU countries continue.
Nationalistic emotions aside, a closer look at the EU’s statement issued in the aftermath of the coup helps reveal whether Thais should see the grouping as friend or foe. It essentially called on the Thai military to restore, “as a matter of urgency, the legitimate democratic process and the constitution, through credible and inclusive elections.” After all, isn’t this what most democratic-minded Thais want to see happen?
By Thepchai Yong
Thepchai Yong, the Nation’s group editor-in-chief, was in Brussels recently for the EU-Asia Dialogue Workshop on the European Union and its Relations with Asia, at the invitation of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. ― Ed.
(The Nation)
(Asia News Network)
